Op-Ed: To Counter China, Trump Should Step Up His First-Term Approach
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[By Yan C. Bennett]<\/em><\/p>\n As in his first term, Donald Trump should continue a resolute approach toward China in his second term. This approach was and is grounded in the belief that a more assertive posture will deter China\u2019s expansionist ambitions, reinforce US credibility among allies and safeguard economic and technological leadership.<\/p>\n Trump\u2019s track record and cabinet nominations suggest a consistent approach moving forward, with several initiatives needing only formal adoption or targeted reinforcement of existing policies.<\/p>\n The United States should, and under Trump\u2019s leadership again probably will, prioritize four key objectives: counter Chinese advances in the Indo-Pacific, insist on Taiwanese self-defense, oppose Beijing\u2019s predatory economic practices, and compete in economic and technological development.<\/p>\n Key priorities of the first administration included promoting US interests, economic prosperity and preserving peace through strength. Trump\u2019s proposed foreign policy team for his second administration, including Senator Marco Rubio as secretary of state and Michael Waltz as national security advisor, signals a maintained firm stance on China, reflecting the general trajectory of the first term.<\/p>\n Their records suggest the new administration\u2019s priorities will include more stringent economic and cybersecurity policies to address evolving challenges posed by China. As secretary of state, Rubio may also spotlight China\u2019s human rights violations, potentially amplifying international pressure on Beijing. Overall, however, the tone and intent will likely follow Trump\u2019s previous hardline approach.<\/p>\n One of the most pressing foreign policy challenges is China\u2019s growing global influence through economic coercion. The first Trump administration\u2019s recalibration of US-China relations included confronting predatory economic practices, prioritizing US business interests, and asserting technological leadership.<\/p>\n The Biden administration largely continued these strategies, affirming their effectiveness. The incoming administration is likely to build on this foundation, focusing on peace through strength, advancing technological competitiveness and bolstering economic resilience.<\/p>\n Countering China\u2019s advances in the Indo-Pacific is another priority. To do so, the US military will need to modernize key capabilities such as space, cyber, and missile defense systems. Since Trump promoted military modernization in the 2017 National Security Strategy and 2018 National Defense Strategy, it\u2019s likely to be a key strategy under his second administration.<\/p>\n Trump\u2019s first-term efforts to push allies to share the financial and operational burdens of defending the free world have yielded results, particularly among NATO members. NATO\u2019s annual defense spending increased due to additional contributions from several European allies, while Germany committed to significant military spending hikes. Expect more of this in Trump\u2019s second term, strengthening collective security and alleviating the US\u2019s disproportionate burden.<\/p>\n To confront China\u2019s ambitions in the Indo-Pacific, the US needs to deepen cooperation with allies through joint exercises, intelligence-sharing and expanded base access. NATO and like-minded democracies have expressed shared commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific, presenting an opportunity for unified action. Trump has endorsed AUKUS, talks for which began under his first administration.<\/p>\n Taiwan remains a flashpoint. Since 1972, the US\u2019s One China policy has insisted that the Taiwan question must be solved peacefully by the two sides themselves. Accordingly, one of the main provisions of the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act places the burden of defending the island on Taiwan. Trump\u2019s demonstrated expectation that allies must help themselves indicates he will expect Taipei to do more.<\/p>\n Taiwan must strengthen its military capacity, harden key infrastructure and reduce its reliance on foreign military support. Previous administrations have rarely demanded this, but the incoming administration should strongly encourage Taiwan\u2019s self-reliance in defense matters. Enhanced self-sufficiency and readiness are essential to preserving peace and minimizing the risk that the US would have to intervene to defend the island. Taiwan must make the costs of invasion and occupation prohibitively high for China.<\/p>\n The US must also lead in countering China\u2019s predatory economic practices, including forced technology transfers and state subsidies. Promoting compliance with international trade rules, diversifying supply chains and supporting US businesses will strengthen the global economic order. Free-market principles and expanded trade partnerships will challenge China\u2019s state-driven model and showcase the benefits of an open, rules-based system.<\/p>\n To outpace China\u2019s ambitions, the US must invest in critical technologies\u2014such as AI, quantum computing and advanced manufacturing\u2014and diversify critical mineral supply chains. Trump\u2019s 2017 National Security Strategy emphasized the strategic value of innovation, underscoring the need for continued investment in research and development to protect US security, create jobs and drive economic growth. In 2017 Trump signed an executive order addressing the US\u2019s reliance on foreign sources of critical minerals.<\/p>\n Strengthening public-private partnerships and securing supply chains will safeguard US infrastructure and economic independence. Trump is likely to continue this trend in his second term.<\/p>\n This cohesive strategy\u2014one that\u2019s designed to counter China\u2019s influence, strengthen alliances and promote peace\u2014is a vision for the incoming administration that\u2019s consistent with the core principles of Trump\u2019s first term.<\/p>\n Yan C Bennett\u00a0is a lecturer at George Washington University\u2019s Elliott School of International Affairs and author of a\u00a0history on US-China relations, among other\u00a0scholarship.<\/em><\/p>\n This article appears courtesy of The Strategist and may be found in its original form here<\/a>.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n \t
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